Many political institutions in the United States are in decline. This is not the same as the general phenomenon of the decay of society and civilization, even if this topic has become extremely politicized in the discourse about America. There are many diagnoses for today’s American ills and misadventures. In my opinion, there is no one reason for the institutional decline, nor is there any more extensive idea of it. However, in general, the historical context in the analysis of political events in America is too often a wrong attitude to the point of total disregard. In the event that we investigate American history and contrast it and the historical backdrop of other liberal vote based systems, we note three key basic qualities of US political culture, very much created and compelling previously, however confronting incredible difficulties in the present (Puglisi 931– 50).
This decentralized, jurisprudential way to deal with administration is firmly identified with another particular element of the American political framework: its weakness to the impact of gatherings with uncommon interests. Such gatherings can accomplish their objectives by acting against the experts specifically through the court, as it was as of late, when retailers documented a claim against the Federal Reserve System in regards to the operational accumulation of installment cards, yet they have another, substantially more intense channel, which has significantly more powers and assets. This is an American congress (Mattozzi 597– 608).
American policy in the 19th century was largely based on the principles of close ties and bribery. Politicians enlisted the support of voters, promising them individual benefits and benefits, sometimes in the form of small services, courtesies, and even direct cash payments. However, more often than not, these were proposals to work in state institutions, such as the Post Office or the Customs. Such opportunities for the formation of support had serious consequences in the form of corruption in power and illegal activities, when political tycoons and members of Congress remove the cream from the resources that are under their control.
For example, Hillary Clinton can become president of the United States and the chances for this are very high. The former first lady was not so long ago involved in a scandal with correspondence. This is not the first scandal in the life of Hillary Clinton, which could cost her a political career. In this article, Begemot recalls the loudest political scandals of the most influential country in the world (Puglisi 931–50).
The political outrage in the US in 1972-1974 finished with the acquiescence of President Richard Nixon. The main case in the historical backdrop of the United States was the point at which the president ended his obligations rashly. It is realized that he had films with wrongfully recorded transactions of the democrats, yet that wiretapping was unquestionably not identified with the lodging Watergate (Song 389– 97).
The sexual embarrassment of Bill Clinton and Monica Lewinsky is a political outrage in the United States in 1998 that emerged due to sexual relations between 42nd US President Bill Clinton and 25-year-old learner Monica Lewinsky (in the workplace of the head of state).
Data about this and ensuing examination prompted an endeavor to impugn Bill Clinton in 1998, it went to a vote in the House of Representatives on charges of prevarication and hindrance of equity (Mattozzi 597– 608).
A noteworthy political outrage in the United States in the second 50% of the 1980s, erupted in late 1986, when it wound up realized that a few individuals from the US organization sorted out mystery arms conveyances to Iran, in this way abusing the arms ban against that nation. Examination uncovered that the cash got from the offer of weapons was utilized to fund the Nicaraguan radicals contras, bypassing the Congress restriction on their financing (Puglisi 931– 50).
The Whitewater case, which dealt with development and construction, was the first of a series of scandals that chased President Bill Clinton and his wife Hillary. For the first time in modern American history, the US president was suspected of complicity in financial fraud. In 1978, when Clinton was still the attorney general of the state of Arkansas (later he became governor of this state), he invested his money in Whitewater. After some time, the company went bankrupt, and its depositors lost more than $ 45 million. Clinton himself claimed that his losses amounted to almost $ 70,000 (Maier 283–302). However, the complexity of the situation was as follows: as a state attorney and later a governor, he had to supervise the activities of companies involved in such activities. Moreover, Hillary Clinton worked as a lawyer in a law firm that served Whitewater.
These historical forms of illegal activities were put an end (mostly), beginning in the 1880s, when the movement for reforms in the state civil service began to operate. Today, at the federal level, old-fashioned an illegal activity that operates on the principle of walking around money is seldom met (Maier 283–302). Important diplomatic posts are still distributed among the main donors of election campaigns, but US political parties no longer distribute state posts to their loyal political supporters and those who donate money for election campaigns. However, the trade in political influence in exchange for money returned to American politics, and returned in large (Song 389–97). This time it is legal, and it became much more difficult to eliminate it.
Present day states make strict standards and motivating forces to beat the propensity of inclining toward family and kinships. They incorporate the act of examinations for admission to the common administration, a capability evaluation of legitimacy and legitimacy, rules identifying with irreconcilable circumstance, and in addition laws against gift and debasement, yet the quality of characteristic human associations is great to the point that they continually make themselves felt, always return. Also, with a specific end goal to check this, we should dependably be careful. Many of these problems can be solved, if the United States moves to a more unified parliamentary system of government, but such a radical change in the institutional structure of the country are simply unthinkable. Americans consider their constitution to be almost a sacred document. To persuade them to reconsider its basic tenets and principles is hardly possible, since it may seem to them a complete collapse of the system. Therefore, yes, we have a problem.
Song, B. K. Media Markets and Politicians Involved in Scandals. Social Science Journal, vol. 53, no. 4, 2016, pp. 389–97, doi:10.1016/j.soscij.2016.02.012.
Puglisi, Riccardo, and James M. Snyder. Newspaper Coverage of Political Scandals. Journal of Politics, vol. 73, no. 3, 2011, pp. 931–50, doi:10.1017/S0022381611000569.
Mattozzi, Andrea, and Antonio Merlo. Political Careers or Career Politicians? Journal of Public Economics, vol. 92, no. 3–4, 2008, pp. 597–608, doi:10.1016/j.jpubeco.2007.10.006.
Maier, J. The Impact of Political Scandals on Political Support: An Experimental Test of Two Theories. International Political Science Review, vol. 32, no. 3, 2010, pp. 283–302, doi:10.1177/0192512110378056.