Location Nicaragua: The revolution in Nicaragua saw a spontaneous uprising against the dictatorial rule of Somoza ( a family that ruled Nicaragua from 1936 to 1979) (Foran, J, 2005). This revolution was of high significance concerning the history of Nicaragua. The spontaneous movement resulted in the ouster of the dynastical dictatorship of Somoza family. The question arises as to what were the social factors that brought revolution in Nicaragua? During the decades of 1960 and 1970, it was Sandinista National Liberation Front (FSLN), which was leading the movement of revolution and the total number of FSLN members had hardly reached two hundred (200) until 1977 but more Five thousand (5,000) armed men and women entered Managua (the capital city of Nicaragua) in 1979 in the month of July. Also, thousands of people were active participants in its different organization.
Tens of thousands had a spontaneous fight with Somoza, acknowledging the political authority of Sandinista. However, there were variations in identities of those participants who fought at a different level (Foran, J ,2005). According to the findings of Roxborough assuming actual members of FSLN (on the basis of Carlos Vilas’ work) about the social constitution of revolutionaries, the percentage of students was twenty-nine (31 percent in leadership), twenty-two percent were artisans ( seventeen percent were in the leadership), percentage of workers were sixteen (eighteen percent were in the leadership), sixteen percent were white collared (six percent were in leadership role), seven percent were professionals( seventeen percent were in leadership role), five percent were small businessmen (eight percent in leadership role) and only five percent were from lower class (thirteen percent in the leadership role). Farhi mentions that a large number of FSLN army consisted of university dropouts.
Black insists that foundation of the violent uprising was the distinction between the working class and the rural population who were the migrants. Before the ouster of Somoza, the FSLN had the control of most parts of Nicaragua except for the capital, but soon after the resignation of then President, FSLN entered the capital and gave full control to the revolutionary movement. After the downfall of Somoza regime, the country saw a lot of destruction. The intensity of that revolutionary movement was tremendous. The overall situation was miserable. Almost 0.6 million people were homeless, 150,000 went into exile or became refugees from the population of only 2.8 million. Therefore, Nicaragua was facing a humanitarian crisis.
As a result, a state of emergency was declared. Properties and businesses of Somoza were confiscated. The previous courts were dismissed. The new rulers who took over also came up with the viewpoint that elections are not necessary for the country, the Catholic church heavily criticized this act. From 1978 to 1979, riots broke out, and it saw the massive destruction. An eyewitness of these riots was an employee of CITIBANK states that FSLN carried out the vast kidnapping operations, the Sandinistas captured the National Palace during the legislative session by taking 2000 people as hostages. Strong revolt continues against the state and in the process, the Sandinistas also got support from Panama and Venezuela. Also, Cuba provided arm and advisory support.
The Answer to Question # 2 Role of leadership in Protest Movement
The role of the leadership in the protest movement against the Somoza government of Nicaragua is of high importance. The FSLN (Sandinista National Liberation Front) was the composition of many opposition groups who were against the dictatorship of Somoza. FSLN’s structure was based on the youth and the different group of students that were the part of Nicaragua population in the 1950s and 1960s. In 1961, FSLN was founded. The founding members of FSLN were Carlos Fonseca, Tomas Borge, Silvia Mayorga and other notable personalities. Only Tomas Borge survived enough to witness the victory of Sandinista in 1979 when Somoza was thrown out of the government. This leadership worked continually to develop an effective strategy for the reforms of the country with the primary objective of overthrowing Somoza from the national regime. In 1970’s the leadership of FSLN started limited level of military operations in the country. The people from every walk of the life in Nicaragua became part of the protest movement against dictatorship. In 1974, a fighter group that was linked with FSLN took government officials hostages and that siege was carefully planned which took place soon after the departure of US ambassador from the party at night. The relatives of Somoza was also under the captivity of that fighter group which was associated with FSLN.
Under this siege, a minister was killed. That fighter group was the guerrilla fighter. The next year the same guerrilla fighters successfully got 14 Sandinista’s prisoners released from the jail, and with them, they flew to Cuba. One of the released prisoners named Daniel Ortega who later became the president of Nicaragua. The group actively worked for an increase in wages of the national guard. Somoza reacted more violently in response to the activities of FSLN under its leadership. The leadership of FSLN became hugely popular in 1970’s in Nicaragua, the population at large joined hands with FSLN against Somoza. They wanted to bring the change in government, and they were entirely in agreement with the policies of this protest movement. Initially, the leadership was not violent during the 1960s when it was founded, but later it engaged militants and other violent groups as they knew that bloody revolution was the only way to dislodge Somoza. In 1978, its militant operations increased against the suppression as they adopted all the violent means to achieve their objectives.
The leadership of FSLN had 31 percent students, seventeen percent artisans, the percentage of eighteen percent workers, six percent white collared professionals were in a leadership role, seventeen percent of professionals were in a leadership role, eight percent of small people in business were in leadership role, thirteen of lower-class individuals were in leadership role. They all worked in collaboration with each other, and these groups of the different class entered the capital in 1979 and overthrew Somoza. Finally, the role of leadership became more active from 1960 to 1979 because there was an injustice in the society. The undemocratic values of dictatorship prompted many people in the community to revolt against Somoza. The leadership role of FSLN was dominant in the protest movement against the govt. Of Nicaragua.
The answer to Q3 How the protest movement moved beyond the level of Spontaneity
The protest movement moved beyond the level of spontaneity because there was social injustice, people were deprived of their fundamental right, one family doesn’t have the right to rule the country for decades. The rule of Somoza brought misery to the people, people from every walk of life wanted the change in regime. The dictatorial government deprived people of their fundamental rights. This movement had to go beyond the level of spontaneity because almost the whole population were against Somoza dynastical rule. In 1970, FSLN adopted offensive strategies, they also were in favor of general strike. Other groups such as Christian communities, youth club became active participants in the protest movements as they all were firm believers of political freedom and rights of self-determination. Paolo Aleman, an activist who belonged to the working class during the 70s, summarizes how his inclusion in Christian movement enabled him to understand the real dynamics of Nicaragua’s politics, and he also came across the situation of unjust distribution resources; also there was a huge gap among the different classes of the country. His deep involvement in the movement gave him the clear picture of the ills of society. This sense of realization led him to the revolutionary campaign that saw the ouster of Somoza’s regime.
In that Christian movement, members were given religious and revolutionary training. The different group of professionals were of the same view, they knew their country was suffering, and change was needed. The diverse group of people with the same agenda turned the protest movement into a revolutionary movement. The then regime assassinated the leader of Democratic Union of Liberation. That murder enraged a large number of population; they had a sense of isolation from the system. In February 1979, FSLN formed National Patriotic Front united upon a twenty-two point statement with three fundamental principles of Social progress with justice, Free and fair democracy and national sovereignty. The desire of establishing peace and freedom in the country was a common factor among all the classes of Nicaragua (Negri, A, 2004). They all agreed that dictatorship is injurious to the society and it is a killer of institutions at large (Lenin et al.). Everyone pushed himself in the struggle or movement that was beyond the level spontaneity, and that is why turned into the revolutionary movement.
Sandinistas integrated pro nationalism, pro-democracy and social justice believer groups, also they channelized the aggressive students, religious groups, working classes, people from upper and lower classes and even the peasant strikers. In this way, Nicaragua had the representation of all the groups and factions of society, and they also got support from countries like Panama and Venezuela. With the collective force and one agenda, the protest movement that went beyond the level of spontaneity weakened the Somoza regime in 70s (Foran, J ,2005). At the start of the year 1979, crisis worsened for Somoza’s government, their ouster was writing on the wall. In July 1979, thousands of protestors and fighters who were representing every class of society entered Managua (the capital city of Nicaragua) and achieved their goal of overthrowing Somoza’s 43 years spanned dictatorial regime. This is how protest movement went beyond the level of spontaneity.
References
Foran, J. (2005). Taking power: On the origins of third world revolutions. Cambridge University Press.
Lenin, V. I., & Chretien, T. (2015). State and revolution. Haymarket Books.
Lenin, V. I., & Utechin, S. V. (1963). What is to be Done?.
Marx, K., & Engels, F. (1998). The communist manifesto (pp. 389-408). John Wiley & Sons, Inc.
Negri, A. (2004). Multitude: war and democracy in the age of empire. Multitudes, (4), 107-117.
